Friday, September 23, 2011

3rd Biggest Drop in DOW with 9/11/01 and 10/03/08 the only two larger in absolute size

And weekly changes in the Dow - this last week is almost a 4 standard deviation move and third largest ever (with 9/11/01 and 10/03/08 the only two larger in absolute size!

Amplify’d from www.zerohedge.com
And weekly changes in the Dow - this last week is almost a 4 standard deviation move and third largest ever (with 9/11/01 and 10/03/08 the only two larger in absolute size!

Third Biggest Weekly DJIA Drop In History

A dearth of knife-catchers and bottom-callers suggests that our views on a broad swathe of investors being caught unhedged and offside by Bernanke's relative inaction was correct. By the look of today's huge selloff, investors will become increasingly aware of our recent post on the difference (risks) between owning stocks and bonds. The equity market remains a market in chaos as the following charts show. We can only assume they must be extremely good at discounting whatever it is that talking-heads believe on a tick-by-tick basis - just look at the flip-flopping in the last two months (and in 2008/09).

Read more at www.zerohedge.com
 

Thursday, September 22, 2011

Student Loan Bubble - Saddling the Next Generation with Debt Before They Even Get Started #peakdebt

This is pathetic. Universities have been active participants in the exuberance that grew from the Federal Reserve's inflationary debt bubble.



100% global debt forgiveness is the ONLY hope for world citizens

Amplify’d from www.alternet.org

Is the Near-Trillion-Dollar Student Loan Bubble About to Pop?



By Sarah Jaffe, AlterNet

Posted on September 21, 2011, Printed on September 22, 2011

http://www.alternet.org/story/152477/is_the_near-trillion-dollar_student_loan_bubble_about_to_pop

“If you want to take a relation of violent extortion, sheer power, and turn it into something moral, and most of all, make it seem like the victims are to blame, you turn it into a relation of debt.” -- Economic anthropologist David Graeber, author of Debt: The First 5,000 Years


Tarah Toney worked two full-time jobs to put herself through college, at McMurry University in Abilene, Texas, and still has $75,000 in debt. She graduated in six years with a Bachelor's in English and wanted to go on to teach high school.

“Right about the time I graduated, Texas severely cut funding to our education system—thanks, Perry--and school districts across the state stopped hiring and started firing. It became abundantly clear that there was no job for me in the Texas public school system,” she told me. “After two months of job searching I got a temporary position in a real estate office.”

She continued, “In August my post-graduation grace period was up and all of the payments on my student loans amount to $500/month. Adding that expense to my monthly bills puts me at $2,100 per month. If I don't make my payments they will revoke my real estate license, which I need in order to do my job.”

Max Parker (not his real name) enrolled at Texas A&M in College Station, Texas to get a BA in economics and a BS in physics. His freshman year was great—his parents had saved some money to help pay the bills, and after that he was able to get “more generous” student loans. He took a job to help cover the fees and bills that his student loans wouldn't cover, and worked about 35 hours a week during his sophomore year while taking 15 hours of classes—but found that his grades dropped with his workload.

“Part of the reason I thought to take on such a heavy load was the university's newly (at the time) implemented policy of flat-rate tuition,” he explained. “This policy stated basically, no matter how many hours you enroll in (full time) for the semester, you will pay for 15. This means, you enroll in 12 hours or 20 hours, and you'll pay for 15 hours either way. Being economically minded, I wanted to make the best decisions I could with the money I had been loaned, so I enrolled in 15 hours.”

He adjusted his course load, but in the spring of his junior year, a family emergency led him to withdraw midway through the semester, taking incompletes in his courses.

“I am 25 years old now, and shacking up in my parents' guest bedroom,” he told me. “I have successfully made four payments on my student loans in the past three and a half years. I have over $48,000 dollars of student loan debt, and absolutely nothing to show for it. No degrees. No certificates. No qualifications. I have continued my education to the best of my ability since leaving A&M, but always at community colleges and always paying for everything out of pocket. As you can imagine, since I'm not 'qualified' for a decent paying job, my savings for school piles up very slowly, and then disappears when August and January roll around. I haven't been back to school in about a year now, and I currently work at Subway, making sandwiches. I don't make my loan payments.”

He's about to join the military because he sees it as his only option. “I am depressed at the idea of signing my life away for four years so I can fight someone else's wars. I am angry beyond belief that it's come to this,” he said. 

Kate Sternwood (not her real name) was recently laid off from a job at a nonprofit organization where she was making $55,000 a year. She has $40,000 in debt from the University of Massachusetts. “When I called my repayment program to tell them I was losing my job, they told me my payment would go from $400 a month to $384 a month because making $55K a year I already qualified for the "hardship" rate.”

The agency in question is Van Ru, a collection agency that takes loans from the Dept. of Education if they go into default. Sternwood said they can't even tell her what the rate will be when she's paid enough to get out of default because they don't know which bank will end up with her loans.

Colleen Williams, a writer in New York, has $975 a month in payments on various student loans from her undergraduate degree at the University of New Mexico and her graduate degree from Parsons School of Design; $325 of that is automatically debited from her account each month after she went into “Student Loan Rehab” after a default.

“When you default on government loans, the collection agency the loans eventually go to are ridiculous,” she said. “Obviously someone defaulting on student loan debt does not have the payoff amount, and they will argue with you, repeatedly, to get you to pay $30,000 off, in full. 'Don't you have a friend you can borrow the money from?' etc.”

Williams noted that she's not pursuing the career she originally intended after Parsons, which was fashion design. “If I could do it all over again, I would have gone into science,” she said.

Matt Hindman graduated two years ago from Temple University in Philadelphia and is pursuing a career in film. “We are all trying to get our feet wet in our collective industries. The job hunting process costs money too,” he pointed out. “I don't think it makes sense that I got penalized for being late on payments during my first year out of school. Plus I went into forbearance once, so now my interest is super high from that.”

The story is the same around the country. The economy is stagnant, the job market terrible, and graduates who used to believe their degrees would lead to good jobs are struggling. Meanwhile, the unforgiving student loan system continues to penalize them for their inability to pay.

As Mychal Denzel Smith at the Grio pointed out, “The fundamentals of our economy aren't strong, but they are the same as ever: we are a country built on low wages and debt.” With those low wages, and particularly with the likelihood of finding a job remaining so low, students who took on debt to pay for an education cannot pay it back. We're in the middle of another bubble—a student loan bubble. And it doesn't look like we've learned much from the impact the popping of the housing bubble had on our economy—the same lending practices are continuing.

The Bubble

Since the beginning of the recession, most types of credit have gone down. The only exception to that rule has been student loans.

A recent piece in the Atlantic noted that student debt has grown by 511 percent since 1999. At that time, only $90 billion in student loans were outstanding—by the second quarter of 2011, that balance was up to $550 billion, according to the New York Fed. And the Department of Education estimates that outstanding loans total closer to $805 billion—and that number will pass $1 trillion soon.

As student loans rise, so has delinquency. Phil Izzo at the Wall Street Journal reported that 11.2 percent of student loans were more than 90 days past due and that rate was steadily going up. “Only credit cards had a higher rate of delinquency — 12.2 percent — but those numbers have been on a steady decline for the past four quarters,” he noted.

It shouldn't be surprising to anyone that student loan defaults are going up as young workers especially are struggling in the current economy. Izzo reported, “Workers between 20 and 24 years old have a 14.6 percent unemployment rate, compared to the national average of 9.1 percent recorded in July. That comes even as the share of 20- to 24-year-olds who are working or looking for a job is at the lowest level since the 1970s, before women entered the labor force en masse.”

In his Huffington Post blog, Michigan Democratic Representative Hansen Clarke noted, “This year, the average borrower graduating from a four-year college left school with roughly $24,000 of student debt, despite the grim statistic that -- according to a Rutgers University study -- only 56 percent of 2010 graduates were able to find work following completion of their studies.”

Back in July, credit rating firm Moody's Analytics warned that student debt could lead to the next economic crisis. How did student loans go from “good debt” that could be expected to pay off--Pew found that an adult with a bachelor's degree earns about $650,000 more during their career than a typical high school graduate—to a bubble that threatens the economy?

According to the National Center for Education Statistics, college enrollment skyrocketed 38 percent, from 14.8 million to 20.4 million, between 1999 and 2009. (The previous decade it had only gone up 9 percent.) This should be a good thing—except it was not accompanied by measures to make tuition affordable for working families who wanted to send their kids to school. Combined with the decline in the type of union manufacturing jobs that used to allow workers to be comfortably middle-class without a college degree, we've wound up with working-class families taking on debt to send their kids to college, which they are told will help those kids make more money.

Labor economist Mark Price told me:


“Manufacturing was a path into the middle class that didn't require a college degree but manufacturing has shrunk as a share of all employment and access to similarly high paying good jobs in the service sector typically requires a college education. One other complicating factor is that that the manufacturing that remains in this country often does require more than just a high school diploma for entry.”


As student loans are relatively easy to come by, both from the government and from private lenders increasingly getting into the game, universities have been able to keep hiking tuition without seeing a drop in enrollment. Students are still advised that student debt is “good debt,” as noted above, and that they will be able to pay it off—but the costs are rising far more rapidly than average incomes.

The Philadelphia Inquirer reported that Temple University has raised tuition every year since 1995—it's gone up 9.9 percent for in-state students. At the University of Pennsylvania (an Ivy League private university—Temple is the state school) tuition went up 3.9 percent to $42,098 a year. “Throw in a dormitory bed, meals and books, and the price reaches $57,360,” wrote Inquirer reporter Jeff Gammage.

Josh Harkinson at Mother Jones pointed out that like anything else, the bang for your buck isn't the same at different universities. Private universities have increased per-student spending by about $7,500, he wrote. But public community college spending per student has stayed flat at around $10,000—while those private college students get $36,000 spent on them. He wrote, “It should come as no surprise then that graduates of prestige schools continue to outpace other collegians.”

All of these factors have combined to send student loan debt into the stratosphere. Daniel Indiviglio at the Atlantic pointed out, too, that student debt has far outpaced the growth of all other household debt over the past 10 years—including increasing twice as fast as housing debt. He argued:


“This wasn't just any average period in history for household debt. This period included the inflation of a housing bubble so gigantic that it caused the financial sector to collapse and led to the worst recession since the Great Depression. But that other debt growth? It's dwarfed by student loan growth.”


RJ Eskow at the Smirking Chimp noted that the same banks that broke the economy by creating that housing bubble are responsible for the student debt crisis—as well as the federal government, which issues student loans. “[T]hese debts were incurred with broken promises. Much of that money is owed to the government itself, and billions are owed to the banks we bailed out at taxpayer expense,” he wrote.

Student loans are not really comparable to housing loans, though: if you default on your student loans, there's nothing to repossess. Instead, you'll face a drop in your credit rating, and constant pressure from the types of collection agencies that Williams and Sternwood discussed above. They can garnish your wages, as Williams explained, and even if you declare bankruptcy, your student loans don't go away. And as Hindman noted, miss a payment, and your interest rate goes up, creating a punitive spiral of debt there's no way to escape from.

Even if mass default isn't likely to happen the same way mortgage defaults did, Indiviglio wrote that the cost of college and debt is already slowing the economy. “As Americans grapple with high student loan payments for the first few decades of their adult lives, they'll have less money to spend and invest,” he wrote, pointing out that all the money going into colleges and the pockets of lenders in the form of interest is being funneled away from other places it could be spent. “Of course, this would be a rather unfortunate irony: higher education is supposed to enhance a nation's growth, but with such an enormous debt burden, graduates might not be able to spend and invest enough to allow that growth to occur.”

Iris Van Kerckhove, who blogs about business at On My Grind, wrote:


“Now the labor pool is flooded with people who have postgraduate degrees and are desperate for work. Employers are overwhelmed with the number of applicants and, in response, demand higher qualifications as a way to filter the applications. Yet higher education institutions continue selling something that doesn't exist-- a guarantee of a better future. Something's gotta give.”


The Solutions

So what can give?

Mychal Smith reminded us that just last year in his State of the Union, President Obama proclaimed, "No one should go broke because they chose to go to college.” He called for student loans to be forgiven after 20 years—10 for those who go into public service—and a $10,000 tax credit for families paying for a four-year college.

But that's not a solution for people like Parker, who was unable to finish school because of the cost, or Toney, who wanted to go into public service but saw that door shut in her face with state budget cuts. They're in debt now, not in 20 years, and $10,000 doesn't begin to cover their debt, let alone the $80,000 Williams owes for a graduate degree. As tuition goes up thousands of dollars a year, a $10,000 tax credit looks pretty measly—and the chances of getting even that through the current Congress are slim to none.

The Philadelphia Inquirer reported that New Jersey's state legislature has a bill under consideration that would ban state colleges from raising tuition more than 2 percent a year. Keeping tuition down is certainly part of the solution—tuition growing faster than wages is a recipe for defaults as students struggle to pay back their loans. In addition, just as housing prices going way up wound up pricing many people out of home-buying, increases in tuition will price students out of an education—particularly if the benefits of that education become less clear, as jobs remain hard to come by.

One university actually lowered its prices recently. The Inquirer reported that Sewanee, the University of the South, a private school in Tennessee, cut its annual cost 10 percent, from about $46,110 to $41,000--without closing programs or laying off staff:


“Enrollment was better than expected, alumni giving went up, and some parents donated the $5,000 price difference back to the university. The deficit turned out to be half of what was projected, at $1.5 million, and Sewanee got the bump in publicity it sought: Campus visits increased 60 percent.”


But what do we do for the people who've already finished college but are stuck without jobs and with mounting debts? RJ Eskow proposed a “Youth WPA,” imitating the Works Progress Administration from the New Deal to put young people to work rebuilding our infrastructure, developing new business ideas, make creative works that we can all enjoy, and more (his six-part proposal is worth reading in detail).

An idea that's been getting a lot of traction lately—including an online petition pushed by MoveOn member Robert Applebaum that has 320,000 signatures as of this writing—is student loan forgiveness as economic stimulus.

Rep. Hansen Clarke introduced a resolution in Congress, co-sponsored by 12 other members, that includes student loan forgiveness in its suggestions for bringing down the U.S.'s “true debt burden.”

In his Huffington Post blog, Clarke wrote:

"Congress is now completely focused on reducing debt. This would be a positive development, if not for one detail: it's focused on the wrong kind of debt.

With over a quarter of all American homeowners "underwater" -- owing more on their homes than their homes are worth -- and total student loans slated to exceed $1 trillion this year, it is household debt, not government debt, that is constraining spending, undermining confidence, and precluding sustainable long-term growth.”

Clarke is right. For years, credit was a substitute for real wage growth in the U.S. And now as that debt burden has grown unsustainable, working families are barely able to keep up with payments, let alone spend enough to get the economy back on its feet. And student debt, as we've shown, is on the least sustainable trajectory of all.


“[C]onsider the potential impact on the economy if all of a sudden 35 million people were able to add to their monthly budget anywhere between $400 and $1000 that they no longer needed to satisfy exorbitant student loan repayments. And no longer faced with the threat of default(at a rate of 7 percent as of September 2010), credit scores would rise and more people with inclination toward starting small businesses (those things that every politician proclaims drive economic growth)[could do so]. Debt free degree holders would allow for more risk taking and innovation.”


Student debt forgiveness would put $400 a month back into Sternwood's pockets, $975 a month in Williams'. Even just forgiving the government loans would probably allow Parker to finish his degree instead of going to war.

Of course the resolution is unlikely to pass Speaker John Boehner's Congress, and even if it does, it's just a resolution. But the instant popularity of Applebaum's petition shows something: Americans realize that student debt at the current levels is completely untenable, and something must be done soon.

Republicans love to talk about the debt we're leaving our children with. But saddling them with record levels of student debt and no jobs with which to earn money to pay it back hurts young people much, much more than government budget deficits. 


Sarah Jaffe is an associate editor at AlterNet, a rabblerouser and frequent Twitterer. You can follow her at @seasonothebitch.

Read more at www.alternet.org
 

#QE3 and #TARP2.0 AS The US Fed Provides Free Money to ECB and Eurozone Banks

"Lend" with what interest rates? Same as to US banks? This is going to cause massive inflation if the banks dont fail and if they do, it will become part of the national debt?

Amplify’d from www.bloomberg.com

ECB Coordinates With Federal Reserve to Provide Dollars to Euro-Area Banks

The European Central Bank said it
will lend dollars to euro-area banks in a series of three-month
loans as the region’s debt crisis limits market access to the
U.S. currency.

The Frankfurt-based ECB said it will coordinate with the
Federal Reserve and other central banks to conduct three
separate dollar liquidity operations to ensure banks have enough
of the currency through the end of the year. The three-month
loans are in addition to the bank’s regular seven-day dollar
offerings and will be fixed-rate tenders with full allotment,
the ECB said in a statement today. They will be offered on Oct.
12, Nov. 9 and Dec. 7.

The euro jumped more than a cent against dollar after the
announcement and traded at $1.3854 at 5:14 p.m. in Frankfurt.
Stocks rose and Treasuries fell, pushing 10-year yields up the
most in more than three weeks.

“The market focus on this as a problem is way over the
top,” said Chris Rupkey, chief financial economist at Bank of
Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ Ltd. in New York. “This is not a Lehman
event. Extending the term to three months today is a clever way
to show the central bank authorities are on the case.”

Two Banks

Two banks this week borrowed dollars from the ECB in its
seven-day operation, a sign they are finding it difficult to
access the U.S. currency in markets as the debt crisis makes
financial institutions more wary of lending. The premium
European banks pay to borrow in dollars through the swaps market
is close to the highest level in almost three years. It declined
after the ECB’s announcement today.

The cost of converting euro-based payments into dollars, as
measured by the one-year cross-currency basis swap, was 80.25
basis points below the euro interbank offered rate, or Euribor,
at 4:15 p.m. in Frankfurt. It widened to as much as 112.6 basis
points earlier this week, the most since Dec. 2, 2008, according
to data compiled by Bloomberg.

“The ECB is seeing the stress in the dollar markets right
now,” said Benjamin Schroeder, a rate strategist at Commerzbank
AG in Frankfurt. “If there was really a big problem you’d see
more demand in the seven-day tender. The ECB is trying to
prevent things from getting out of hand.”

BNP Paribas Surges

The ECB yesterday allotted $575 million in its seven-day
dollar operation, without naming the banks it lent to. French
banks Societe Generale SA and BNP Paribas SA said yesterday they
didn’t borrow dollars from the ECB.

BNP Paribas, France’s biggest lender, rose as much as 22
percent in Paris trading after today’s ECB announcement. BNP
Paribas shares were up 5.57 euros, or 21 percent, to 32.47 euros
as of 3:18 p.m.

Moody’s Investors Service yesterday cut the long-term
credit ratings of Credit Agricole SA and Societe Generale,
France’s second- and third-largest banks, and put BNP Paribas on
review for a possible downgrade, citing the risks posed by their
investments in Greece. Moody’s also said it will evaluate the
impact of tighter financing markets on French banks.

While the ECB’s provision of liquidity helps to ease
tensions in money markets, “the root is the debt crisis, and
that will remain on the table for a long time,” said Marco Valli, chief euro-area economist at UniCredit Group in Milan.
“The ECB could decide to extend refinancing operations to 12
months or resume the covered-bond purchase program.”

Strains Continue

The ECB last introduced a three-month dollar loan in May
2010 to calm markets roiled by the threat of a Greek default.

The ECB has been lending banks as much euro cash as they
need at its benchmark rate since October 2008, when the collapse
of Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. triggered a global recession.
It has been forced by the debt crisis to extend those measures
and last month reintroduced an unlimited six-month euro loan.

The ECB’s dollar loans tackle “one small problem in the
market at the moment,” said Chris Scicluna, deputy head of
economic research at Daiwa Capital Markets Europe in London.
“Ultimately, until there’s a more comprehensive response to the
sovereign debt crisis, which has been feeding into concerns
about the health of European banks, the strains in Europe’s
banking sector will continue.”

To contact the reporter on this story:
Jeff Black in Frankfurt at
Jblack25@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story:
Craig Stirling at
cstirling1@bloomberg.net

Read more at www.bloomberg.com
 

Wednesday, September 21, 2011

Suburbanites and Reality TV Destroying America

The trends are clear but the logic tying the TeaParty to all of this is thin. A lack of empathy is DEFINATELY obvious as the GOP and TeaParty REFUSE to pay taxes for healthcare but DEMAND military spending to DEFEND OUR COUNTRY - at all costs!

Amplify’d from www.alternet.org

What Awful Reality TV and Suburban Living Have to Do With the Tea Party's Lack of Empathy



The Tea Parties are partly a product of the suburbs, where social isolation leaves communication about social mores to reality TV. Is it any wonder the movement lacks empathy?
September 20, 2011  |  


 






Kim Kardashian
Photo Credit: Congaman at Flickr.




 




 


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If there’s any one defining feature of the Tea Party, it’s a lack of empathy for their fellow Americans. Republican candidates know this about their base: more than their supposed love of Jesus or the Founding Fathers, more than any coherent principled conservativism, more even than the strong streak of bigotry running through the Tea Party is this gleeful “screw you” attitude. Therefore, the Republican primary has become a contest to see who can heap the most abuse on Americans Tea Partiers don’t identify with.


You have Herman Cain preening about making Muslims second-class citizens; Michele Bachmann attacking doctors and public health officials who would prevent cervical cancer in young women; Rick Perry crowing about his heavy execution rate (which includes a willingness to execute people who should have been acquitted or had mistrials); and Ron Paul drawing heavy applause from a debate audience for his belief that government should just let the uninsured die. Far from being concerned about misfortune befalling others, the Tea Party routinely supports the expansion of suffering.   


To help explain this phenomena, we might remember another signifying characteristic of the Tea Party: despite the enthusiasm for country music, Tea Partiers proliferate in suburban and exurban districts. The most right-wing districts in the country are also some of its most suburban. Michele Bachmann serves the 6th District of Minnesota, which is composed of the suburban area surrounding the north of Minneapolis/St. Paul. Steve King, known for his competing hatreds of immigrants and sexually active women, serves the 5th District of Iowa, built from the suburban sprawl between Omaha and Des Moines. Anti-health-care fanatic Joe Walsh represents Illinois’s 8th District, composed of the northern suburbs of Chicago. Joe Barton, known for apologizing to BP for the White House post-oil spill investigation, serves the 6th District in Texas, which encompasses the suburban sprawl south of the Dallas/Ft. Worth areas.  


There’s likely a connection between the lack of empathy and the suburban nature of the conservative base. Research shows people tend to be more bigoted toward gays and those of different races when they have no personal connection with those people. Suburbs are known for breeding social homogeneity that does shelter people from humanizing those who are a little different than them. Beyond that, suburbs make it harder to develop a well-connected social life altogether.  Without that, it’s difficult to keep your empathy muscles, aka your ability to look at others and feel a common humanity with them. If you don’t use empathy, you lose it.  


In the past half century or so, Americans have flocked to suburbs, attracted to the promise of large houses, quiet, and privacy levels that simply can’t be achieved in small towns and dense big cities. But the price of all those conveniences was the loss of a sense of community, as people left interconnected urban enclaves or small towns to the impersonal streets of the suburbs.   


While there’s a great deal of diversity of suburbs--some are iconoclastic and some are quite walkable--the average American suburb has been notable for decades for an isolating geography and culture. Your average suburban/exurban home is set away from its neighbors with no porch or sidewalks, and suburbanites enter and exit their homes in cars that are parked in garages, minimizing their exposure to anyone who might be walking by. Of course, walking is unlikely to begin with; unlike in small towns and dense big cities, there’s very little within walking distance, killing much reason for anyone but the occasional jogger to be out on the streets on foot. 


Many people living in suburbs have long commutes to and from work, minimizing the amount of time for after-work socializing. Through law and custom, suburbs discourage the proliferation of public spaces where people can congregate easily, unlike urban centers where bars, libraries and coffee shops that are a brief drive or walk away. When you have to drive 20 or 30 minutes to get to the bar to hang out with your buddies, it starts to seem that much easier just to watch the game at home.  


What public spaces do exist in suburbs tend to be less welcoming and intimate than the local businesses and more neighborhood-y areas of small towns and big, dense cities. Suburbs are the natural home of big box stores and chain stores, places you may go on occasion or even frequently to get out of the house, but not places conducive to creating tightly knit communities. Megachurches that litter suburbs struggle to create the community of smaller churches of old. If you live in a small town or a city full of activities for meeting people with whom you have interests in common, you’re not only that much more likely to get out of the house to make new friends and visit with the ones you already have, but the friends you do have are more likely to know each other, creating a web of connection. In the suburbs, people have less reason to get out, and the friends they do have are much less likely to know each other, creating more isolation and loneliness.  


Don't take my word for it. A study at the University of California, Davis found that suburbanites were less happy with their neighborhoods than urbanites. The reason was that the cities provided more stimulation and interaction with other people, providing a sense of excitement and connection. The interactivity of the city was replaced in the suburbs with a culture that encourages staying at home to watch TV and building tall fences to minimize interaction with others. The result for suburbanites is isolation and difficulty making new friends.  


The isolating aspects of suburbia are ironically part of their draw, because people see this isolation and feel it provides privacy. But there’s good reason to believe that all this isolation destroys people’s ability to look at their fellow citizens and feel empathy, not only because they simply know fewer people they can relate to, but also because they have fewer occasions to gossip.


Gossip, i.e. the practice of people talking about others they know in common, has a bad reputation as being nothing but back-biting chatter, but sociologists see it in a much different light. In fact, gossip has two very important functions, building relationships and communicating social values. Gossip can be the passing along of negative information, sure, but it also is used to pass along positive information (who had a baby, who got a job), and to communicate value-neutral information that just happens to be interesting (who’s dating who). When you gossip, you not only bond with the person you’re gossiping with, but you are both solidifying your sense that the person you’re gossiping about is a part of your community. After all, they matter enough to be talked about.   


Gossip is often used to shame and to judge, but it also keeps people interested in other people and can help build empathy. As someone who grew up in a small town, I can testify to its power to make you feel connected, even to people you aren’t otherwise close to. When we would congregate in the beauty salon in the afternoons and hear all the local gossip, we walked away feeling closer to the people that had been discussed, even the ones who were being judged. By hearing stories about hook-ups and divorces, teen pregnancy and romantic rivalries, we got to practice imagining what it’s like to be these other people. And because they were people we knew and had to deal with on a regular basis, we worked those empathy muscles harder. Yes, there was lots of scolding and lots of judging, but there was also lots of sympathizing and coming up with ideas to help people out of tight spots.  


In place of gossip, suburbanites have turned toward tabloid magazines and reality TV to scratch that itch to gawk at other people’s personal lives. As noted urbanist Richard Florida explained to New York Magazine, reality TV signals understanding that it’s filling the gossip void in the lives of lonely suburbanites, by filling the set design with familiar aspects of suburban lives, but then populating it with the real people experiencing dramas that are shut off from suburban dwellers who don’t have enough interconnections to gossip about their own neighbors. Florida didn’t seem to think this was such a bad substitute, but looking at some of the effects of suburban culture on the body politic should give us reason for concern.   


After all, unlike with regular gossip about your friends and neighbors, reality TV and tabloid stars aren’t people you have to deal with or empathize with. In fact, reality TV and tabloids go out of their way to make their stars seem like horrible, shallow people you can judge without any empathy at all. Enjoying reality TV is only somewhat like regular gossip, in that there’s the same judging and cataloguing of behavior. But unlike with real world gossip, there’s no empathetic side. It’s just all pointing and laughing, with very little sympathy and absolutely no value put on problem-solving. If the beauty salon in my small town had been nearly as vicious as your average reality TV show, everyone would have avoided it for fear of picking up a terminal case of bitchiness.  


So this is how it is for much of suburban America: they’re being encouraged to demonize and sit in judgment without taking much time to actually get to know others and sympathize with their problems. Suburban isolation makes it harder to see other people as real, important and human. No wonder it’s increasingly easy for suburban conservatives to judge others with an unrelenting harshness that shows no indication they even realize their targets are fellow human beings. No wonder they can whoop with joy at the idea of someone dying for lack of health insurance or suggest that even married, monogamous women are dirty sluts who don’t deserve any sympathy for their health care concerns. The complex realities of living have become increasingly alien to large swaths of America. They have very little exposure to what real people’s lives are like, and it’s that much easier for them to treat other people like they’re simply toys that can be tossed out with the trash when they have no more use for them.

Read more at www.alternet.org
 

Tuesday, September 20, 2011

20% wind energy in USA by 2030

The energy collective podcast, brooking institute 24,000, wind energy says 75,000

Monday, September 19, 2011

The History of Palestine and Its Quest for Statehood

It seems that these two religious groups will hate each other until the destruction of the other.

Amplify’d from www.bloomberg.com

Goldberg: Palestine Won’t Be a State

Israel Palestine

The Palestinian national
liberation movement has arguably been the least successful
such movement of the past 100 years. The Arabs have tried
on many occasions to defeat Israel militarily, and to break
it through terrorism and boycotts, and have failed each
time.

Even so, independence was within reach of the
Palestinians at many different points in their history. The
Jews in Palestine, early in the arc of political Zionism,
sought simply to live as an autonomous minority within an
Arab entity. The Arabs rejected the idea -- some violently
-- and the Jews abandoned the notion.

The United Nations offered statehood to the Arabs in
Palestine in 1947. The Arabs chose the path of war, and
threatened the Jews with annihilation. Then they lost the
war. Arab states controlled the West Bank and Gaza until
1967, but did nothing at all to advance the cause of
Palestinian rights. After the Six Day War in June of that
year, many Israelis hoped that Arab leaders would offer
peace in exchange for occupied territory. That idea was
rejected.

At Camp David, in 2000, Bill Clinton came closer than
anyone to engineering the creation of a Palestinian state.
Yasser Arafat, the Palestinian leader, turned his back on
Clinton without even making a counteroffer. More recently,
Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert offered Arafat’s
successor, Mahmoud Abbas, a similar deal. Abbas rejected
it
.

UN Recognition

Now Abbas, the president of the Palestinian Authority,
plans to ask the UN to recognize an independent state of
Palestine. The request, whether granted or not (the General
Assembly will support the notion; success at the Security
Council
is unlikely), will only defer the goal of an
independent Palestine.

The support of Togo and Bolivia and Yemen would surely
give Abbas a warm and happy feeling, but it will be
irrelevant to the Palestinian cause. Abbas says he seeks a
state for his people on the West Bank and in Gaza, with a
capital in East Jerusalem. If that’s true, then there are
only two member states of the UN that can bring it about:
Israel and the U.S. Neither supports this resolution. Most
Israelis view it as an attempt to limit their options in
future negotiations, or to deny to them the holiest sites
of the Jewish people and delegitimize the idea of a Jewish
state.

Symbolic and Counterproductive

The U.S. opposes Abbas’s resolution -- and will veto
it if it reaches the Security Council -- but not because
the U.S. rejects the idea of a Palestinian state. President
Barack Obama has been sincere in his support of Palestinian
independence. The U.S. opposes the resolution because it
would represent yet another entirely symbolic and
counterproductive gesture in the long history of
Palestinian gesture-making.

“This is about shortcutting a process for which there
are no shortcuts,” Susan Rice, the U.S. ambassador to the
United Nations, told me. “At the end of the day, there’s
only one way to create two states for two peoples, and that
is negotiations.”

Rice went on, “To have a drama that changes very
little in the world vis-a-vis the actual conflict, and then
to expect that while one party is taking this great victory
lap the other party is going to run to the negotiating
table, is not necessarily realistic.”

A Tragic Moment

The particular tragedy of this moment is that there
is, for the first time, a pragmatic alternative to the
fantasy-based approach to independence of Arafat and Abbas.
During the past few years, the Palestinian prime minister,
Salam Fayyad (ostensibly Abbas’s No. 2, though the men are
said to detest each other), has quietly built a security
force that has restored law and order on the West Bank and
stopped terrorists from attacking Israelis. He has built
the framework for transparent governance, and created an
increasingly viable economy. He has expressed repeatedly
his distaste for Abbas’s UN recognition campaign,
understanding -- as Obama and Rice understand -- that it
will hurt the cause it claims to help.

Fayyad has the potential to be the David Ben Gurion of
the Palestinians -- a pragmatist, like Israel’s founding
prime minister, who builds the structures of a state in
advance of statehood, as a means of showing the world that
Palestine will be a viable and constructive addition to the
community of nations. But Abbas’s UN campaign threatens the
entire project.

Another threat to Fayyad’s aspirations, to be sure, is
the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and his
exceedingly right-wing coalition. Netanyahu has not done
much to suggest to Palestinians that negotiations would
bear fruit. But Abbas has been Netanyahu’s partner in
paralysis. Two points have been obscured by the drama at
the UN: Abbas, not Netanyahu, is the leader who has refused
to enter negotiations without conditions. And Abbas is
seeking something at the UN that was already offered to the
Palestinians -- and rejected by them.

Robert Danin of the Council on Foreign Relations has
noted that Abbas is ostensibly seeking UN recognition
because he prefers to negotiate as the leader of an
independent state. But the Palestinians were offered
independence with “provisional borders” in the now-
forgotten 2003 peace talks known as the Roadmap. “The
Palestinian leadership,” Danin wrote, “long rejected this
option, fearing that establishing a state prior to
resolving all outstanding final status issues with Israel
would leave them unresolved in perpetuity.” Now Abbas is
seeking an even more symbolic form of independence.

The True Goal

What, then, is Abbas’s true goal? It may be nothing
more than an attempt to ensure his legacy, or to
marginalize rivals like Fayyad. But he recently said
something revealing: “We are going to complain that as
Palestinians we have been under occupation for 63 years.”

The occupation, as it is generally understood, did not
begin 63 years ago. Israel conquered the West Bank and Gaza
44 years ago. Sixty-three years ago is when Israel itself
was founded. If Abbas’s goal at the UN is the
enfranchisement of his people, then he will not succeed. If
his goal to demonize and delegitimize his enemy, then he
very well might.

(Jeffrey Goldberg is a Bloomberg View columnist and a
national correspondent for The Atlantic. The opinions
expressed are his own.)

To contact the writer of this article:
Jeffrey Goldberg at goldberg.atlantic@gmail.com.

To contact the editor responsible for this article:
Timothy Lavin at tlavin1@bloomberg.net.

Read more at www.bloomberg.com
 

The Energy Crisis of the 1970's

What happened after Carter left office? What did the Reagan administration do that changed our course? This article looks pre-1980 at some of the causes of the oil crisis of the 1970's

Amplify’d from harwich.edu
Thesis: The energy crisis of the 1970’s was caused by our reliance on foreign
oil and triggered a nationwide movement that advocated energy conservation
and alternate energy sources.
Natural resources that our nation relies heavily upon such as oil, petroleum
and natural gas are fossil fuels, which means that they will eventually cease
to exist. This gives nations that have an abundance of these natural resources
much economic and political power. The thought of this supply ending also
causes a search for renewable resources that would never cease to exist.
Petroleum or “black gold” provides the world with nearly half the energy
used. (10, 330) 660 billion barrels or 67% of the world’s oil reserves are
found in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia alone has 258 billion of these barrels
which is one fourth of the world’s oil. One tenth of the world’s oil is found
in Abu Dhabi, Iran, Iraq, and Kuwait. (10,332) Compared with this extensive
supply, the U.S. and Canada have only 3% or 32 billion barrels of the world’s
reserves. (10,333) Despite this, the U.S. and Canada consume more than four
times the amount of petroleum than the Middle East. The Middle East produced
19.8 million barrels and only consumed 4.8 billion barrels according to 1994
figures. The U.S. and Canada produced only 8.5 million barrels and consumed
a whopping 19.4 million barrels. (10,334) Today it is hard to imagine relying
solely on ourselves, for our energy needs. The U.S. used to provide for themselves,
but consumption grew too rapidly for the small supply it possessed. As the
U.S. began to rely heavily on imported oil from other countries, power struggle
emerged between the producers and consumers of this oil.

    The increase of oil imports became the number one concern
in America when Richard Nixon became president in 1969. A Cabinet Task Force
on oil Import control was established and was led by George Shultz the Labor
Secretary. (13, 589) He recommended doing away with quotas, having no minimum
of oil that the U.S. has to buy from foreign producers, but Nixon strongly
disagreed. Nixon believed that this would only increase imports and be a
threat to domestic industry, and he decided to keep the quotas. (13, 589)
This was obviously not in the interest of Middle Eastern countries and the
Shah of Iran quickly wrote to President Nixon. He explained that only if
the quotas were dropped could the stability of their country be ensured and
they could sell larger volumes of oil to the U.S. Nixon however, did not
agree to drop the quotas. (13,589) The problem with oil imports came to head
during the 1969-1970 winter which was the coldest in 30 years and power was
randomly turned off to preserve energy which caused brownouts along the Atlantic
Coast. (13,590) Nixon put price controls on oil consumption and discouraged
domestic oil in 1971. (13,590) These artificially low prices however could
not keep up with the changing market. If prices were low, there was little
incentive for conservation of energy or for new exploration for oil reserves.
(13, 590) Money was not coming in and some drilling was even ended prematurely.
This attempt at federal energy regulation was a failure. (3, 338)

    To work on the energy crisis, Nixon assigned James Akins
to the White House. He was the State Department chief oil expert and even
before the crisis was at its worst in 1973 he suggested we reduce consumption,
increase domestic production and only import from “secure sources”. In April
1973 Akins published some of his ideas in Foreign Affairs in an article entitled
“The Oil Crisis: This Time the Wolf Is Here.” He was comparing the oil crisis
with the Middle East to a ferocious wolf ready to attack. The wolf had certainly
arrived and that same year Nixon did away with quotas because America’s demand
for oil was too high for domestic production to keep up with it. For the
first time, the U.S. was vulnerable and not able to supply it’s allies in
the event of a crisis. (13, 591)

    The wolf was at full attack in the fall of 1973 when the
Yom Kippur War sent gasoline prices soaring in America. The same thing happened
in 1979 when the Shah of Iran fell from power. (13, 512L) In the Middle East
the Arab- Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 greatly affected the flow of oil
throughout the world as they reduced or cut off their petroleum exports to
Japan and western countries. (10, 349) Egyptian jets attacked the Israeli
posts along the border of the Suez and in the Sinai on October 6, 1973. Also
Syrian aircrafts attacked northern Israel. This was the fourth and most dreadful
of the Arab-Israeli Wars. (13, 588) After Egypt launched this attack on Israel
the Soviets threatened to intervene. Breshnev, who was the Soviet leader
at the time believed that the Watergate scandal had weakened Nixon to such
a degree that he would not react. The Soviets did back down, but the Arab
world held the U.S. responsible for Egypt’s defeat by the Israelis. (2) On
both sides, the U.S. and the Soviet Union supplied armaments. But despite
all this machinery the strongest weapon in this war was oil in the form of
an embargo, which is a cutback on production and exports. (13, 588)

Many believe that there was actually a shortage of oil, but there was no
shortage at all. The Middle East just decided they weren’t being paid enough
for their problem. (9, 2) OPEC, or the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries, which was originally formed to keep the price of oil down, was
too fragmented and competitive to help solve the crises or to be a successful
cartel, which is a combination of businesses or countries in this case to
limit competition. (11, 1) The economics and now the politics of oil were
changing. Iraq, Algeria and Libya were pushing for a price agreement and
they said if one was not made they would “exercise our rights on our own.”
This meant that they would not cooperate with OPEC and would set their own
prices, which would most likely be high, or in extremes would be in the form
of an embargo. Exporting countries took steps for the government to take
over oil companies because they did not want the growing gap between posted
prices and market prices to go to the favor of the oil companies. (13, 592)
They were using petroleum as a political weapon by using the dependence of
other countries on their oil supply and cutting off exports to those countries.
Petroleum gave them the power to ruin the economies of other nations by increasing
prices. (10, 349) Henry Kissinger said of the embargo, it “altered irrevocably
the world as it had grown up in the postwar period.” (13, 588) And as Nicholas
Lemann stated, “it demonstrated that America could now be ‘pushed around’
by countries most of us had always thought of as minor powers.” (8, 1142)
The Arab Oil Embargo demonstrated just how dangerous the United State’s dependence
on foreign oil was becoming. (8, 1132) This embargo resulted in the price
of gas per gallon to jump from 30 cents to over a dollar. Also a “windfall
profits tax” was presented to domestic oil producers. (9, 2) In 1973, the
Northeast suffered both from severe winter weather and the gas shortage,
which temporarily closed schools and factories. (8, 1132) The falling cost
of the dollar, expensive federal programs, and costly environmental regulations,
were just some of the few things Americans blamed for the energy crisis.
(8, 1134)

As the federal government became more and more involved with solving the
energy crisis, corruption became apparent. The Foreign Relations Committee
held hearings on the energy crisis during the week of June 2, 1973. Senator
George D. Aiken of Vermont attended and noted the corruption of the meeting
in his journal. Witnesses were going over what the energy would need to be
used for in the U.S. and completely left out agriculture. This was ludicrous
because the agricultural industry was the largest consumer of petroleum in
the national economy at the time. (1, 84) A bill was reported to Congress
in February 1974 that would give the president more authority over the distribution
of oil products. A cutback in the price of oil produced in the U.S. was presented
and senators from the oil states wanted to block this. To them it was more
important for the oil companies to remain stable than the nation as a whole
to be stable. (1, 85)

As the energy crisis began striking close to home, citizens of the United
States could see how huge of a problem energy had become. The 1970's had
the highest unemployment rate since 1941 and the lowest industrial production
since 1937. (8, 1140) By 1979 the inflation rate was all the way at 11.3%
and rising. (8, 1135) This new inflation caused many Americans to doubt the
“American dream” that their children would have a better life. Writer Nicholas
Lemann wrote, “The nearly universal assumption in the post-World War II United
States was that children would do better than their parents. Upward mobility
wasn’t just a characteristic of the national culture; it was the defining
characteristic.” (8, 1140) Insanely high prices throughout the 1970’s increased
these concerns. In 1973 a barrel of crude oil cost $2.75 and in 1981 it went
to 34 dollars. (10, 349) Crude oil prices quadrupled between October 1973
and March 1974. By 1981 the nation was consuming 20 trillion cubic feet of
gas per year. Arab nations embargoed oil exports to the United States for
a total of six months. Ironically, the production of natural gas in the United
States was at its highest in 1973. But, this certainly did not counteract
the embargo. (12, 5)

Running out of usable oil, or supposedly running out was become a major concern
of the nation. Senate reports in 1975 indicated that the U.S. would run out
of usable oil before the year 2000. (6, 32) Although energy use is still
a problem today in 2003, it obviously did not happen as quickly as predicted.
Without a doubt the entire crisis sprung from our reliance on foreign oil.
Fewer oil wells were drilled in the U.S. starting in 1955 because foreign
oil was cheaper and more accessible. But after 1973, foreign oil was more
expensive and less available. (12, 59) 30 billion barrels of oil was discovered
in northern Alaska in the late 1960’s, but this large addition to the world
reserves was counterbalanced by an increase in oil consumption. (10, 333)
Imports were greatly increased in the years leading up to the crisis. In
1970, the U.S. imported 3.2 million barrels per day. In 1972, 4.5 million
were imported, and in the summer of 1973, 6.2 million were being imported.
(13, 591) America’s response to the crisis was interrupted because of Nixon’s
resignation of office due to the Watergate scandal. Ford, who did not take
any impacting steps to solve the energy crisis, carried out the remainder
of his presidency. (13, 512M) Carter, who was the next president-elect, carried
out many acts to encourage energy conservation. He practiced this conservation
in his own home by keeping the White House at 55 degrees during the night
and 65 degrees during the day, and wore long underwear to keep warm. His
plan for the nation promoted increased fuel production in the U.S. and development
of alternate energy sources. (8, 1133) Prior to Carter presenting his plan
to Congress, he appeared on television to address the public stating, “The
energy crisis has not yet overwhelmed us, but it will if we do not act quickly….
This difficult effort will be the ‘moral equivalent of war’, except that
we will be uniting our efforts to build and not to destroy.” He proposed
an Emergency Natural Gas Act to control the distribution of gas throughout
the country. Within one week Congress passed the act. (8, 1132) In November
1978 the National Energy Act was signed into law. (8, 1133)

    The “second oil shock” occurred in 1979 when OPEC held
up oil production, which caused gas prices to rise by 50%. Motorists in the
U.S. waited in line at gas stations for hours frantically buying gas before
it ran out. Carter was blamed for this. (8, 1133) Carter said of this “second
oil shock”, “It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at
the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this
crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the
loss of a unity of purpose for our nation. The erosion of our confidence
in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric
of America” (8, 1134) His television address did not include ways of dealing
with the problem or looking to the future. Americans felt that Carter was
not the man to lead them out of the crisis. His reelection campaign was made
difficult because right before the election the Federal Reserve Board caused
interest rates to soar when they put strong monetary controls to control
inflation. (8, 1143) Also, making his reelection campaign difficult was the
humiliation Americans felt as Iranian students took hostage sixty-three Americans
in November 1979. (8, 1137) Ronald Reagan ended up winning the election to
lead the U.S. into the 1980’s. Being a former actor, and holding strong conservative
views, Reagan presented Americans with the strength that they desired for
their weakening country. (8, 1143)

Throughout the 1970’s many steps were taken to make energy conservation an
important aspect of American life. On October 31, 1973 in New York the Public
Service Commission looked into the possibility of closing schools and cutting
off heat in the subways. (4, 1) The president could limit hours of operation
for schools and businesses, could ban advertising or displays of Christmas
lights, and could enforce a maximum temperature in office buildings all due
to the broad “Emergency Actions to Reduce Energy Consumption”. As early as
November 2, 1973, an emergency energy act was proposed to Congress to “to
suspend all environmental standards, to tax fuels, prohibit pleasure driving,
order early closing of schools and businesses, impose rationing and take
other steps to curb energy consumption.” (5,1) The energy crisis affected
all aspects of society, even the automobile market. In 1973, 30-cent gasoline
was no more and so was the “big American car.” Models such as the Honda Civic
became popular because of their fuel efficiency. (2) For two decades there
was even a federally mandated speed limit of 55 miles per hour in order to
save energy. Later it was done away with to keep the government from getting
too involved in state and local matters. (9, 7)

Some administration and Congress members wanted to add a 20 or 30 cent per
gallon tax, but George P. Shultz, Secretary of the Treasury, knew this would
only put more weight on the economy. The major problem with a large-scale
conservation effort was getting Americans to conserve energy without causing
more economic problems. (5, 26) Congress passed the Energy Policy and Conservation
Act in 1975. These acts regulated domestic oil prices and set up standards
for automobile use. (12, 5) The 800 mile long trans-Alaska Pipeline System
built in 1977 brought 2 million barrels of oil a day from Prudhoe Bay to
the port of Valdez. Due to this, imports from the Middle East were greatly
reduced. (8, 1143)

Many called the energy crisis an “energy shortage”. This term should not
be used because gas and oil are not the only forms of energy. Energy will
only cease to exist the day our sun disappears. (9, 7) John R. Quarles believed
that coal should replace oil as a boiler fuel. He was the administrator of
the Environmental Protection Agency. (5, 26) Eventually the electric utility
industry will have to look to other sources, the best of which would be nuclear
power. Other choices would be coal, ethanol, and solar power. (9, 6)

Ethanol is what petroleum would most likely be replaced with. It is made
from corn and other crops and therefore renewable. Use of ethanol would be
extremely positive for the nation’s farmers and would be much safer for the
environment. If a tanker spilled ethanol, it would just evaporate into the
air. We do not use ethanol today because petroleum is cheaper. During the
Arab embargo in the 1970’s, petroleum prices soared making ethanol look like
a good deal. But the prices of petroleum were purposely kept below ethanol
so it would not be replaced. (9, 4) Efforts to find new oil reserves were
greatly reduced in the 1980's when oil prices fell. Oil and gas can also
be made from bituminous sands, coal, and oil shale. Scientists are working
on this, but it is extremely expensive. However, if oil prices continue to
rise as they have done since the 1970’s, these forms of energy could become
competitive in the worldwide market. (10, 349) Solar energy, wind energy
and geothermal energy, which are all possibilities to replace oil, are all
"diffuse" because they would not be useful in all areas of the world. (6,
42-43) Thomas E. Eastler said of finding alternate sources, "as a result
of this unchecked exploitation, we are forced to consider the consequences
of the end of the fossil fuel era. And, with the end of that era, I believe
also, will come the end of America's fleeting love affair with petroleum."
(6, 30)

Most experts believe that the demand for petroleum and the dependence on
Middle Eastern oil will only increase in the future. (10, 349) Even if petroleum
is replaced, the crisis could continue because the major companies that control
oil have already invested in gas, coal, uranium and new energy sources such
as oil shale and tar sands. So, the major problem is that the energy industry
is extremely monopolized. (7, 336) Today the energy crisis of the 1970's
seems so familiar. Oil prices are rapidly increasing, and our relationships
with some of the Middle Eastern countries are extremely shaky. As President
George W. Bush forges on in his efforts for a war with Iraq, most people
are concerned with disarming Iraq of their weapons of mass destruction. The
one weapon of mass destruction that could never be taken away from them is
oil. We import so much oil from the Middle East that a war could greatly
influence oil prices and imports. The energy crisis of the 1970’s caused
the United States to step up and begin conservation efforts and explore alternate
energy sources. If oil prices continue their uphill climb, these alternate
sources will without a doubt become economically and politically superior
to oil. And perhaps one day, we will discover a resource that will supply
the world with infinite energy.









Works Cited

1. Aiken, George D. "The 'Down Years' 1972-74, A Senator's View" American
Heritage.       Aug 1976. Vol. XXVII 5. New
York: American Heritage Publishing Co., 1976



2. America and the World Since World War II. Vol. III 1961-1975 From the
Kennedy Era to the Final U.S. Withdrawal From Vietnam. ABC, 1986.



3. Bartlett, Dewey F. "The Energy Crisis" The Annals of America, Vol. 19
1969-1973.  Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 1974.



4. Clines, Francis X. "Curfews Hinted In Oil Shortage" The New York Times.
1 Nov 1973: A1.



5. Cowan, Edward. "Drastic Emergency Steps To Save Energy Proposed" The New
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6. Hanley, Wayne and John Mitchell, eds. The Energy Book. Thomas E. Eastler:
The End of the Fossil Fuel Era. Brattleboro: The Stephen Greene Press, 1980.



7. Harris, Fred R. "Oil- Capitalism Betrayed in It's Own Camp" The Annals
of America. Vol. 19 1969-1973. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, inc., 1974.




8. McDonnell, Janet. America in the 20th Century: 1970-1979. New York: Marshall
Cavendish, 1995.



9. Palm, Kirby. The Energy Crisis: A Unique Perspective (online) http://www.nettally.com/palmk/nrg.html.
28 Feb 2003.



10. "Petroleum". The World Book Encyclopedia Vol. 15. Chicago: World Book,
Inc., 1997.



11. The Energy Crisis Revisited (online) http://web.mit.edu/krugman/www.opec.html.
4 Feb 2003.



12. Weaver, Kenneth F. "America's Thirst For Imported Oil- Our Energy Predicament"
Energy A National Geographic Special Report. Feb 1981.



13. Yergin, Daniel. The Prize- The Epic Quest For Oil, Money, and Power.
New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991.
Read more at harwich.edu